CRISIS IN PAKISTAN: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS

CRISIS IN PAKISTAN
CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS

Pakistan is no stranger to terror attacks on its soil. In the recent past, attacks on the Pakistan security forces, blasts in crowded places, suicide attacks and the like have become commonplace and barely evoke public outrage and condemnation. The attack on the Marriott hotel and the assassination of Benazir Bhutto did evoke from the public and the state administration, very high levels of concern but the former was soon relegated to the background as the target was an elitist location, which belonged to an American franchise and was frequented by the rich and powerful, a large number of whom were foreigners. The assassination of a popular public figure obviously evoked very great outrage and condemnation, but this too was rationalised over time as a political killing and not viewed in the larger context of a specific design targeted at the state of Pakistan.
Then terrorists struck at the Sri Lankan cricket team on 3 March 2009. The Sri Lankan cricketers were on their way to the Gaddafi Stadium when their bus was attacked by 12 armed terrorists near Liberty market. Five cricketers, including Mahela Jayawardene, the captain were injured in the attack which killed six security men and two civilians. There have been terror strikes on the sidelines of cricket, but this was the first time that players were directly targeted. The attack was also the first major strike against an international sporting team since Palestinian terrorists killed 11 Israeli athletes at the 1972 Munich Olympics.
In terms of physical casualties, the toll could have been much higher. Some of the cricketers could have been killed and the rest taken hostage, but providentially, they all got away, albeit with injuries to five players. However, the contours of the debate on terror have shifted dramatically since then, the attack being described in various quarters as Pakistan’s very own 9/11.
What was so different this time that it put not only the Pakistani state in turmoil but also made both India and the world stand up and view the situation with alarm. What was it that has made the public perceive the attack as comparable to the attack on the United States on 9 Sep 2001 and the attack on Mumbai on 26 Nov 2008?
Cricket has the status of religion in Pakistan. It was inconceivable for the establishment to believe that terrorists would actually target a sport with a cult following, so very popular amongst the public and risk alienation. Imran Khan, former Pakistan cricket captain-turned-politician had gone on record to state, when the Indian Cricket team cancelled its tour citing security concerns post the Mumbai terror strike of 26 Nov that “No one would ever dare attack a visiting cricketer because cricket is so loved in Pakistan. The entire nation would turn against the perpetrators.” Khan later had to eat his word, though he subtly shifted the blame on lax security – ‘I think this was one of the worst security failures in Pakistan," he told the BBC. "The Pakistan government guaranteed the Sri Lankan cricket team that they would provide them security, and to see the type of security provided to the Sri Lankan cricket team was completely shameful." He added: "It certainly is a disaster for Pakistan sport. But I think much more, I think this was targeted at Pakistan's economy and destabilising the country."
No group has as yet come forward to claim responsibility for the attack. To that extent, there would have been a lurking fear amongst the concerned terror outfits that to do so would risk public alienation. Yet the perpetrators took the risk of brazenly attacking a high profile publicly adored target which was under the highest security cover, a security cover guaranteed by the Government of Pakistan. Obviously, the attack was perpetrated to convey a more ominous message: The ability to strike at any time, at any place and against any target. The fact the attackers got away in a brazen manner, without being challenged indicates serious lapses in security, but more importantly, also hints at collusion between the terrorists and certain members of the security establishment and perhaps government agencies. The latter is a cause for more serious concern. It would be naïve to think that terror attacks being perpetrated in Pakistan are random in nature. There is a specific design and purpose to the commission of these acts and an understanding of such design is essential if we are to formulate an appropriate response.
To put things in the correct perspective, what is taking place in Pakistan is an ideological war. On one side are ranged the forces of the state to include various shades of democratic opinion, the liberal society, the rule of law, Government institutions to include the Armed Forces of Pakistan and even various religious bodies. On the other side is a fundamentalist brand of radical Islam. In between lie the masses of Pakistan for whose heart and soul the war is ostensibly being waged.
The weapon of radical Islam is terror. Which side wins the war will ultimately determine the fate of Pakistan and to some extent the rest of the region.
Viewed in this context, it is easier to comprehend what is happening in Pakistan.
As a developing country in which large social inequalities exist, Pakistan is considered ripe for a takeover by Islamic forces who aim to impose a theocratic form of Government based on a narrow fundamentalist interpretation of Islam. The foremost of these forces is the Taliban.
Large spells of military rule coupled with poor governance, inequitable land holdings and abysmal poverty have created fertile ground which finds takers for the radical brand of theocracy being propagated. The conflict in Afghanistan has also been a major contributing factor to the violence which currently envelops Pakistan. The decade long Soviet occupation which ended with the ignominious withdrawal of Soviet forces in 1989 was followed by a vicious civil war over the next decade till the Taliban seized power in 1999 and declared their motherland as the “Islamic Caliphate of Afghanistan”. During these two decades, the Taliban operated from bases in Pakistan and to a large extent radicalised and influenced the population of the border areas of Pakistan. They grew up in refugees camps and seminaries organised by the Pakistan Government from funds received covertly from the US and openly from Saudi Arabia, learning the ideology of hate and revenge. Because of their origin in madrassas, (religious schools), the fighters came to be known as the ‘Taliban’ or students. When they seized power in Afghanistan, they set up a brutal theocratic regime, silencing all opposition. The women and children were once again the worst sufferers and this led to another wave of migration to Pakistan’s western border. Viewed in hindsight, the Communist regime under Soviet influence was heaven as compared to what the Taliban did to their country. The overthrow of the Taliban following 9/11 has however not led to peace and the war being waged by the US and its allies against terror is still ongoing and shows no signs of an early termination. The refugees continue to trickle into Pakistan causing further strains in an already fractured polity.
Large swathes of Pakistani territory on its lawless border areas with Afghanistan are outside the control of the Government. Radical Islam has already claimed its first success when the Government of Pakistan succumbed to the religious fundamentalists in the Swat Valley by signing a peace treaty on 16 Feb. 2009 with Sufi Muhammad, the chief of the pro-Taliban Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat Mohammedi, or Movement for the Enforcement of Islamic Law, and the father-in-law of the main militant leader in the valley. The North West Frontier Province and FATA are seriously affected and it is but a matter of time when the movement will spread to Punjab and Sind provinces, paving the way for imposition of a theocratic state in Pakistan akin to what the Taliban did in Afghanistan.
Indian armchair strategists keep pointing out that a stable and politically strong Pakistan is in India’s interest. Some openly talk of Pakistan as a failed state and suggest a balkanisation scenario where Punjab and Sind, the heartland of Pakistan with more than 80% of the population may form a core and Baluchistan, North West Frontier Province and FATA may break away in various ways. Both appear to be off the mark. A stable and politically strong Pakistan will never allow India to rest in peace and will continue to bleed India with its policy of a thousand cuts. The Balkanisation scenario is implausible. While large tracts of territory may be outside the control of the Pakistan government, disintegration is not an option for the militants. They want Pakistan and they want it whole. So within Pakistan, the battle is for the soul of Pakistan and the winner will take all. The larger danger for India is the state of Pakistan falling into Taliban hands. That will give them a safe haven to operate against India. It will also lead to a situation when millions of Pakistani Muslims will seek refuge in India creating disorder in the Indian polity of unimaginable proportion.
The question that naturally arises is how should India respond to the present crisis in Pakistan?
An ideal situation for India would be one where democratic institutions in Pakistan are vibrant and functional, civil society is secular, there is great interdependency in trade, people to people contact between the two countries is extensive and the military in Pakistan does not have an overriding voice in the affairs of state. Rather an Utopian order but one which is not totally implausible. While Pakistani society has by and large been conservative, their religious tradition was more in the Sufi mould which had a very large measure of tolerance. The present move towards pushing Pakistan to a theocratic state is alien to the Asian ethos and can be countered.
Waging war against Pakistan to counter that country’s support to terrorist activities within India is not likely to work. It will polarise Pakistani society and push them deeper into the hands of fundamentalist forces. In any event, the battle to be waged is ideological and ideas cannot be killed with a bullet. Targeting specific bases of the terrorists is an option but would require foolproof real time intelligence which may not be forthcoming. Acting on outdated or incorrect information would be counterproductive as the terrorists frequently change the locations of their hides and camps. As these are generally in close proximity to civilian habitation, the risk of collateral damage increases manifold without any surety of effective engagement of the terrorists. The more sensible course would be to target the source of terrorist funding. While this is easier said than done, it will be most effective in the long run. India, along with other countries must take this up in real earnest.
India must provide moral and material support to those sections within Pakistani society to whom a theocratic form of government is anathema. If the Pakistani middle class succumbs to the tactics of terror as propagated by the Taliban, then perforce the state will fall to the Taliban. India must, hence support those initiatives within Pakistan which will lead to strengthening the hands of the liberal society and making them capable of resisting the influence of theocratic forces.
Within Pakistan, initiatives need to be taken to restructure the educational curriculum, making it more broad based and inclusive. Curriculum being taught in the madrassas must include secular teaching especially in the field of math and the sciences. Hate campaigns against non Islamic countries must be removed and history taught in schools should be based on fact rather than a mythical exposition of the greatness of the erstwhile Islamic empires.
On the economic front, greater trade with India, to foster interdependency and promotion of mutual interest will strengthen the hands of the common man and force the political and military leadership on a path of cooperation rather than confrontation.
The rule of law must not only be maintained but should be seen to be effective. Land reforms and other measures to promote social and economic equity must be taken to reduce disparity and discord within society.
The Pakistan media has so far displayed great resilience in maintaining its freedom. This must be supported and encouraged.
In essence, the path to change lies in promoting more secular values within Pakistani society. India and the world must encourage and promote such change through diplomacy and conditional aid packages.

ARMY BUREAUCRACY

Red tape is something which we have all experienced, resented, fought against and finally learnt to accept. The Armed Forces too arenot free of this malaise. Here's a light hearted take on an actual incident which occured on an issue as mundane as making out a bus pass.

ARMY BUREAUCRACY

The red tape in the army
They say is mighty fine
We’ll beat the civil service
Each and every time.

1. It was a bright summer day. Having moved to a new station, the better half was busy in getting admission for our son in the Army Public School. It took a few trips but finally the job was done. Why should transfer from one APS to another be such a hassle, asked the wife? Ah well, I countered, things are much worse in civvy street. We need to prepare for retirement and this is excellent training.

2. A few days later when school reopened, I was given the relatively easy task of getting a bus pass made for the young lad. “No problems”, I told the better half; “I’ll get it in a jiffy”. A born optimist, I was to learn yet again that optimism can be misplaced. An application form was procured, filled and countersigned by the staff officer of the National Defence College (NDC), indemnity bond filled up, documents stapled together and dispatched via my trusty sahayak to the school bus cell run by the Transport Company ASC Type ‘B’. Off went the modern version of Jeeves to accomplish the designated task. In the evening, a rather dejected Jeeves reported back, task unaccomplished. “Rs 230 is required Saab, as security deposit to get the bus pass”, he informed me. “No problems”, said I, forking out two crisp notes and three tenners, “get the job done tomorrow”.

3. Next evening Jeeves was back, a bit more dejected than the previous day. “What’s happened now”? I queried. Jeeves was a bit annoyed but admirably kept his cool. “A certificate is required Saab, that you are still in service” said Jeeves. It was my turn to curb my annoyance. “Why didn’t you show him the application form, countersigned by the College?” “I did Saab, but he insisted on the certificate. He said they have rules to follow”, said Jeeves rather pointedly.

4. Next morning the certificate was duly prepared attesting my still being in service. Off went Jeeves once again, but there was a distinct lack of enthusiasm in his step. In the evening, Jeeves reported back, a dark frown on his otherwise very jovial face. “What now”? I queried, trying to hide my annoyance from the better half, who was having a quiet smirk at my expense. Jeeves had resigned himself to his fate. “They want a certificate Saab, from the school principal, certifying that your son is studying in their school”. “But dammit”, I said, trying to control my rage, “Why should I get a bus pass made for my son if he is not studying in that school”. Jeeves kept a respectful silence, but I couldn’t help hearing a little suppressed giggle emanating from the corner where the better half was reclining.

5. It took two days to get the certificate from the principal. Phew, I thought, life certainly is tough. Jeeves was dispatched next morning for what I thought would be the last time. His look told it all when he reported back in the evening. By now, I had crossed the limits of rage and was resigned to my fate. “The clerk told me to come on Saturday”, said Jeeves. “That’s when they issue bus passes”!!

The red tape in the army
They say is …..