BOOK REVIEW : ESSENCE OF THE FIFTH VEDA Author: Gaurang Damani

India's spiritual and scriptural heritage derives from the Vedas, the word Veda meaning wisdom, knowledge or vision. A correlation of archaeological, literary and astronomical evidence suggests that the Vedas date back to at least 6000 BCE, which makes the Vedas the world's most ancient texts. The fact that India was home to the Vedic civilisation for at least the last eight millennia if not earlier, has effectively laid to rest many foreign inspired versions of India's past, most significantly the myth of the so-called Aryan invasion!

The Vedas, being the original source of Hindu teachings, delve on all aspects of life. It is no surprise then that the followers of  Sanatana Dharma have always viewed the Vedas as the highest religious authority. The laws of the Vedas have regulated and continue to regulate the social, legal, domestic and religious customs of Hindus up to the present day. All the obligatory duties of Hindus at birth, marriage, death etc. are guided by Vedic rituals. For mankind in general, they also serve as a repository of wisdom. Classified into four volumes: the Rig Veda, the Sama Veda, the Yajur Veda and the Atharva Veda, it is the Rig Veda which serves as the principal text, with the four Vedas collectively being known as “Chathurveda”. Each Veda, in turn, consists of four parts—the Samhitas (hymns), the Brahmanas (rituals), the Aranyakas (theologies) and the Upanishads (philosophies). As the Upanishads form the concluding portions of the Veda, they are called the “Vedanta” or the end of the Veda. They contain the essence of Vedic teachings.

The Vedas have been passed on from generation to generation through word of mouth and form the basis of Sanatana Dharma. This foundation is hence called Shruti (that which has been heard) and the walls of this structure are called Smriti (that which has been remembered). While the Shruti and Smriti are the walls and foundation of Sanatana Dharma, there are two other important supports—the Puranas and the Itihasa. The word 'Purana' is Sanskrit for something that is ancient. The Puranas consist of ancient histories, stories and allegories, which have been composed for the lay public and for those that could not study the Vedas. The Itihasa refers to the collection of written accounts of events that were witnessed by the author and signifies traditional history, (literally meaning, thus it happened). In the Indian tradition, both the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, two of India's most sacred texts are considered as Itihasa. In the case of the former, Sage Valmiki, who composed The Ramayana was himself a witness to the events as they unfolded. Similarly, Veda Vyasa, who composed The Mahabharata, witnessed the events as they unfolded. These great Indian spiritual texts fall under the category of Itihasa and Smriti literature. The Puranas, eighteen in number, cover a diverse range of topics from legend to mythology, cosmogony, genealogies, etc. The Itihasa (Ramayana and Mahabharata) and Purana are collectively sometimes referred to as the Fifth Veda. In this delightful book written by Gaurang Damani, stories from these two sacred texts are recounted in a readable fashion, which serves as a primer to understand India's scriptures.

The book is laid out in a story format, in three main chapters. The first of these chapters, titled Tirupati Balaji and Ramayana, dwells on stories from the Ramayana. Starting with Shri Rama's lifting of the celestial bows, the 14 stories in this chapter dwell on various facets of the Ramayana, the last of which is The Philosophy of Yoga 'Vasishtha'. The second chapter has nine delightful stories on  Krishna. His miracles as a child in Vrindavan, Rasa Lila, His travels and why Krishna had 16,108 wives are all covered in this chapter, in an easy to read and understand format. The final chapter delves on the Mahabharata, in 21 short stories, covering the reasons for this epic battle and expounding on the code of Dharma, which can be subtle at times. Most importantly, the three chapters, through these well laid out stories, brings out not just the Itihasa of those times, but the moral code by which it is necessary to live our lives to attain fulfilment. 

It is a telling indictment and commentary of post-independence India that religious and ethical instruction based on Hindu scriptures is not imparted to children in our schools. Most Hindu children thus grow up without an adequate understanding of their scriptures and the rich moral and ethical code that they espouse. This book, to some extent, provides the lay public with an authentic account of our great epics through these short stories, which also bring out the essence of Dharma. Hopefully, this should spur the parents to delve deeper into the foundations of Sanatana Dharma, so that they and their progeny, grow up as better citizens. 

For Gaurang Damani, the author of this book, it has apparently been a labour of love. This is but the first book, which is a blend of the Itihasa and the Purana. In his next book, the author aims to help the reader go deeper within, based on the prescribed Vedic path to happiness and spirituality. The book, while easy to read and understand, could have had a greater impact with more subtle editing, which could have made it a gripping read. But even so, it is a valuable work on our Itihasa, which is strongly recommended for all, both adults and school children, to enable a better understanding of India's rich scriptural and spiritual ethos.

A Tattered Legacy

A documentary-drama titled 'The Saviour,' based on the life of Major Pritam Singh, recently received the Best Punjabi Documentary Award at the 12th Dada Saheb Phalke Film Festival 2022, held in Noida on April 30. By itself, this news item would have attracted little attention, but for the fact that the said documentary is based on the war time exploits of a man, who later was tried by a General Court Martial and dismissed from service on grounds of moral turpitude. This, off course creates a dilemma in the eyes of the military, in how such a legacy is to be remembered and portrayed. Can performance in battle absolve a person from disreputable acts, deliberately committed? Such questions not only must be asked, but need to be answered.

As a young Captain serving in the British Indian Army in World War II, Pritam Singh was captured and made a prisoner of war in Singapore, but he escaped from prison, and walked on foot through Malaya, Thailand, and Burma, covering a distance of over  3000 miles to reach the Indian border. Post independence, Pritam was promoted to the rank of Lt Col and given command of 1 Kumaon (Para). Here, the battalion, as part of the newly raised 161 Infantry Brigade, commanded by Brig (later Lt Gen) LP Sen, took part in the famous battle of Shalteng on 07 November. The enemy was routed with heavy casualties and fled from the scene. Pattan was retaken the same evening and  Baramula fell to the Indian forces the next day.

At this time, the situation South of the Pir Panjal pass was fast deteriorating, with thousands of persons fleeing the border areas. Poonch alone had about 40,000 refugees. To relieve pressure on Poonch, Major General (Later Lt Gen) Kulwant Singh, Commander, Jammu and Kashmir Force, despatched a column under 161 Infantry Brigade for its relief. Moving Southwards from Uri, this Force was halted at the Betar Nala, just 16 km short of Poonch, as the Poonch garrison, unaware of the link up being planned, had blown up the bridge there. Consequently, 1 Kumaon under Lt Col Pritam Singh was ordered to effect the link up with the garrison by moving on foot. This was successfully executed and Pritam was made the garrison commander with the acting rank of Brigadier. He successfully defended Poonch for full one year till it was finally relieved in November 1948.

While Brig Pritam Singh displayed commendable front line leadership as commander of the Poonch garrison, his personal conduct  wholly undid the honour that he had earned. The Ruler of Poonch, Raja Kalan Bahadur Ratan Dev Singh had left Poonch in October 1947, when the hostilities had commenced and his official residence, Moti Mahal Palace had been left under the care of retainers. The Raja returned to Poonch in  May 1948, after the Indian Army had stabilised the situation, found that Brig Pritam Singh had moved into the palace and had also located the garrison headquarter inside the premises. But what was infinitely worse was the act of blatant theft, Pritam Singh had indulged in. As per the statement given by the retainers of the palace, Pritam Singh had stripped Moti Mahal of its priceless heirlooms and artefacts and carted them away in an IAF aircraft. Writing on this issue, Thakur Raman Dev Singh, the son of the Raja, further stated that his aunt, while on holiday in Mt Abu in the 1970s, paid a courtesy call on Mrs Pritam Singh, the wife of the erstwhile garrison commander of Poonch, who was living there. When she entered the house, she was horrified to find all the priceless family heirlooms displayed there, which was further proof of the villainous theft that had taken place in 1948. 

On the Raja's complaint, the matter was investigated and Brig Pritam Singh was tried by a General Court Martial, for which purpose he was brought down to his substantive rank of Major. The Court found him guilty of the offences as charged and dismissed him from service. The Dismissal Order was published in the Gazette of India, August 4, 1951. Since then, there have been many attempts to gloss over the theft and highlight only the military prowess of the dismissed officer, including petitioning the highest authorities in the land, seeking pardon. Fortunately, both the military as well as the Ministry of Defence have stuck to their principled stand. 

A facile argument given in support of restoring the honour of Pritam Singh is that as the garrison commander, he saved the town from falling into enemy hands. Had he failed, the enemy would have been in possession of the palace and the Raja would have lost everything. Such a thought process is poor justification for immoral behaviour and is a self defeating one. Can victorious commanders be given license to loot their fellow citizens? They cannot be permitted to do so even in lands captured from the enemy, for that too is a dishonourable act. It is this code of ethics, bound in honour, which makes the Indian Army such a formidable force and contributes to its moral calibre. The love and respect which the people of India have for their Army is precisely because they know that the men in olive green will give their lives to protect the honour, dignity, lives and property of its citizens. And the Indian Army lives up to that reputation in foreign lands too, as seen in their conduct in the Liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, in restoring the government in Maldives in 1988 (Operation Cactus) and in operations in Sri Lanka (Operation Pawan). As the garrison commander, Pritam had a moral obligation to safeguard the property in which he was staying as a guest. He betrayed that trust by stealing from those that had provided him such gracious hospitality and indelibly sullied the image of the Army and its officer corps. The act was unforgivable, even though his role in defence of Poonch was greatly praised and appreciated. 

It is regrettable that those defending Pritam Singh and seeking a pardon for his act, have also interjected the communal angle in his conviction by a General Court Martial. This is laughable as the Indian Army has never functioned on that basis. Yes, Pritam was a Sikh, but so were some of the commanding Generals in the chain of command who initiated the court martial proceedings against him—Maj Gen Atma Singh and Lt Gen Kulwant Singh. He was defended by Sardar Swaran Singh, an eminent Sikh lawyer, who specialised in criminal suits, and who was to become, in later years, India's longest serving union cabinet minister. And the Defence Minister at that time was also a Sikh, Sardar Baldev Singh. 

While we appreciate the leadership displayed by Pritam Singh in the defence of Poonch, we must never forget the nefarious role he played in committing theft of priceless heirlooms, while staying as a guest in the Moti Mahal palace. Condoning such acts will set a precedent that will encourage others to follow a path, which can but lead to moral decay. We must never allow that to happen. In India's Armed forces, valour and honourable conduct go hand in hand. There is no place in the military for villainy, even if it is accompanied by valour.

The author is a retired veteran who is presently Director, India Foundation. This article was published in the Sunday Guardian dt 8 May 2022.

JAMMU AND KASHMIR: PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE

It is important to understand the historical undercurrents which drive a society to look for its roots. It is equally important to delve into history to see that no set of actors try to misappropriate the legacy of a people by false analogies. Towards the latter end, a deliberate attempt is being made by some motivated groups with a fixed agenda, to portray Kashmir as an entity, which has historically been separate from India. Such falsehoods, fortunately, cannot stand historical scrutiny. Kashmir is not just an integral part of India, but is its very soul.

Since time immemorial, the majestic Himalayas have been part of the Indian social, cultural and spiritual milieu. Ancient Indian religious texts such as the Vishnu, Shiv and Matsya Puranas, as well as the great spiritual epic, the Mahabharata, make constant mention of the Himalayas, and in their description of Bharat, define it as the land lying between the Himalayas to the North and the Ocean in the South. The Markandeya Puraan describes the land mass of Bharat as “the land that is girdled by the sea on three sides and on the North by the Himalayas, which stretch like the string of a bow”. In the  Vishnu Puraan, the people who live in this geographical area, north of the oceans and South of the Himalayas, are described as Bharatiyas, in a beautiful couplet as under:

'Uttaram yat samudrasya, Himadreshchaiv dakshinam,

varsham tad bharatam nama, Bharatee yatra santatihi’. 

That the people of this land were bound together by a common spiritual tradition was also noted by India's first prime minister, Shri JL Nehru, in his 'Discovery of India,' who wrote of 'the uniqueness about this continuity of a cultural tradition through five thousand years of history, of invasion and upheaval, a tradition which was widespread among the masses and powerfully influenced them'. Since millennia, sages in India have walked the length and breadth of this land, from North to South and from East to West. Tamil poets from early times have made mention of the Northern extent of Bharat as the land which is the abode of Siva and the ‘tapovan’ (Sanskrit: austerity and spiritual practices) of saints and seers. The centrality of the Himalayas, in India's social and spiritual construct is thus not a modern phenomenon, but is deeply rooted in the psyche of the people—a construct synthesised and refined over thousands of years, and passed on from one generation to the next. That is why, ancients texts make constant reference to the 'Kashmir Mandala' in terms of its spatial and temporal locus as part of India’s sacred geography. Kashmir is hence described, not just as India’s northernmost outpost, but as the very fountainhead of Indian culture—indeed, as the very soul of India.

It is important to understand this historicity, to better appreciate the vicious manner in which attempts are now being made by certain vested interests to portray Kashmir as a land which was never a part of the Indian imagination. The Great Mauryan empire, in its vast spread, encompassed both Kashmir to the North and present day Afghanistan to its West. During the reign of Ashoka, a complete system of administration was established in Kashmir. For Bharat, the Himalayas did not just provide a formidable natural line of defence; these sacred mountains were and are the core of India's spiritual thought. Kashmir, nestled in the lap of the Himalayas, thus became a focal point for the spread of Indian culture to Central, East and Southeast Asia. Straddling the communication network between Central Asia, Afghanistan and China, the region gained strategic significance and in the early years of the 19th century, and became the foci of the rivalry played out between Czarist Russia and Imperial Britain, which came to be known as the Great Game. 

The Beginning of the Sultanate 

In the first quarter of the 14th century, the Mongols invaded the land. This invasion was the beginning of the tumultuous events that were to overtake the Kashmir Valley over the next 400 years. After ravaging the land for eight months, the Mongols left before the onset of winter. The ruler at that time was King Suhadeva, who attempted appeasement of the invaders by way of expensive gifts, but these were spurned by the Mongol army which continued its spree of killings, loot and plunder. The King died soon after and his place was taken by his Prime Minister, Ram Chander, who in turn appointed Rinchan, a Buddhist prince from Ladakh, as an administrator. Rinchan soon gained the confidence of the Raja and then treacherously killed him, and anointed himself as the ruler in 1320 CE. At this point of time, the history of Kashmir took a dramatic turn. Rinchan had married Ram Chander’s daughter and desired to convert to Hinduism, but the head priest of the Brahmin Pandit’s Devaswami denied the newly anointed Raja his request. As a result, Rinchan converted to Islam and adopted the title of Sultan Sadruddin Shah. 10,000 of his subjects converted along with him.

Rinchan died three years later, in 1323 CE. He founded a quarter in Srinagar called Rinchanpura on his name and built a mosque, Bud Masjid, on the site of a Buddhist temple. With his death, Kashmir returned to Hindu rule, under Rinchan’s widow, Kota Rani, but this interlude was but a short one. She was defeated by Shahmir, an astute diplomat in her kingdom, who ascended the throne in 1339 CE, with the title of Sultan Shamsuddin. While Rinchan was the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir, the consolidation of the Sultanate started with Shamsuddin, till the 200 year rule of the Sultans was ended by Mughal emperor Akbar in 1586 CE. 

Mughal, Sikh and Dogra Rule 

The Mughal rule in Kashmir lasted for just over 170 years until 1757 CE. It was marked by the building of pleasure gardens and little else, till Aurangzeb (1658 CE-1707 CE), ascended the throne. His rule saw the return of religious bigotry and intolerance to the Kashmir Valley, with forcible conversions and discriminatory taxation. Mughal influence declined after Aurangzeb’s death, and further weakened after Nadir Shah’s invasion of India in 1738 CE. The death knell to Mughal rule came with their defeat to the Afghan’s in 1753 CE, as a result of which Kashmir came under Afghan rule. This ended 66 years later with the defeat of the Afghans by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1819. This also marked the end of Muslim rule in Kashmir, encompassing a period of just over four hundred years. The Afghan rule was noted for its cruelty, barbarity and avarice, and its demise came as a period of welcome relief to the people of the region.

Sikh rule over Kashmir was also short-lived and ended with British victory over the Sikhs in the battle of Sobraon in February 1846, called the First Anglo-Sikh War. Two treaties were signed at the end of the war. The first of these, the Treaty of Lahore, was signed on 9 March 1846 with the 7-year old Maharaja Duleep Singh and the British Empire. Under the terms of the Treaty, Punjab ceded Kashmir and its dependencies to the British. The second treaty, the Treaty of Amritsar was signed six days later on 13 March 1846 with Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammu. Through this Treaty, Kashmir and its dependencies were handed over to Gulab Singh, and thus Kashmir came under Dogra rule. Under the terms of the Treaty, Maharaja Gulab Singh paid a sum of Rs 75 lakh to the British government for the territories ceded to him. This included the whole of the outer hills between the Ravi and the Indus, the Valley of Kashmir, Ladakh, Gilgit, Baltistan and the Indus Valley down to Chilas.

The region of modern-day Jammu, was traditionally ruled by the Dogra Rajputs. For the most part, they maintained their autonomy despite being nominal feudatories to Delhi. At times, they joined the Mughals in their northern conquests, like those of Balkh in 1646-47 CE. With the demise of the Mughal dynasty, Raja Dhruv Deo and later his son, Raja Ranjit Deo rose to greater political prominence, the latter also proceeding to expand his kingdom to include Kishtwar, Chenani, Bhadarwah, Besolhi, Jasrota and parts of Gujrat in Western Punjab. This was, however, a transitory phase as the rise of Sikh power in the region saw Jammu losing its sovereignty over all of their former territories save for Jammu, which was now reduced to a petty state. But it also saw the rise of the line of Raja Dhruv Deo, in the form of his great-great-grandsons, Gulab Singh, Dhian Singh and Suchet Singh, who joined Maharaja Ranjit Singh's court and rose rapidly through the ranks, setting themselves apart and above the Maharaja's Sikh courtiers. 

Gulab Singh had joined Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s army in 1809. His father, Miyan Kishore Singh was given the charge to administer Jammu state by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1817, which had been annexed by him a year earlier. Soon thereafter, Miyan Kishore Singh declared Gulab Singh as his 

legal heir. As a reward for the outstanding contribution made by Gulab Singh in the defeat of the Pathans in Kashmir in 1819, Maharaja Ranjit Singh crowned Gulab Singh as the Raja of Jammu on 16 June 1822. Even after getting Jammu and its adjoining principalities under his territory, Raja Gulab Singh continued to serve the rulers of Lahore and at the same time, annexed many small principalities to his kingdom. Kishtwar was subdued and its governorship was handed over to Zorawar Singh, a Rajput soldier in the Sikh army. It was Zorawar Singh who annexed Ladakh in 1842 and added it to Dogra rule.

British interest in the region, during the period of Sikh and Dogra rule had much to do with the great power rivalry that existed at that time between Imperial Britain and Czarist Russia. Britain wanted to keep their resident in Kashmir, to keep a watch over the activities of the Sikh rulers and to see that Russian influence was kept at bay. During Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s rule and for a decade after his death in June 1839, the British were kept out, but after the defeat of the Sikh’s in the Second Anglo-Saxon War of 1849, Punjab was annexed by the British and the Dogra rulers thereafter succumbed to British pressure. In 1877, the British established the Gilgit Agency, to guard against the advance of Russia. The Agency, comprising of the Gilgit Wazarat; the State of Hunza and Nagar; the Punial Jagir; the Governorships of Yasin, Kuh-Ghizr and Ishkoman, and Chilas, was re-established in 1935 under the control of the British Resident in Jammu and Kashmir. It was given on lease for a period of 60 years commencing from 29 March 1935.

The period of Dogra rule in Kashmir’s history was an epochal event, for it marked the entry of the British into the area. Taken holistically, it was also a period of reasonable prosperity for the state. Gulab Singh was succeeded by his son Ranbir Singh, who in turn was succeeded by Pratap Singh. Here the family line ended as Pratap Singh had no male heir. As a result, his nephew Hari Singh, succeeded him to the throne. Hari Singh was destined to be the last ruler of the state, the Dogra rule having lasted for just over one hundred years.

Pre Independence Developments 

Maharaja Hari Singh ascended the throne on 23 September 1925. It was a moment in history when the Indian independence movement was gathering steam and differences between the Hindus and Muslims had started coming to the fore. Within the state of J&K, Muslim fanatics started a movement to stoke communal violence in the state. Sheikh Abdullah emerged as the leader of the J&K Muslim Conference which was formed in 1932. The Party was renamed as the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference on 10 June 1939. When India was partitioned and achieved independence on 15 August 1947, most of the princely states had opted to join either India or Pakistan. The state of Jammu and Kashmir had the choice to remain independent under the Maharaja or to join either India or Pakistan. Britain had also terminated its lease of the Gilgit Agency, which reverted back to the state. At this time, the boundaries of the state encompassed the Gilgit Agency, Gilgit and Baltistan in the North, Ladakh in the East, Kashmir and Muzaffarabad in the centre and Jammu, to include Poonch, Rajouri, Mirpur, Udhampur, Bhadarwah and Kathua in the South. 

Post Independence Developments 

At the time of independence, Maharaja Hari Singh found himself in a precarious position. His state forces lacked the capacity to protect any part of his landlocked kingdom, which lay between India and Pakistan. There were three battalions of the Jammu and Kashmir State Forces, with the Kashmir Brigade. 7 J&K Rifles was at Srinagar, 4 J&K Rifles at Domel with a company at Kohala and another company at Keran and 6 J&K Battalion had been sent up to Gilgit. This battalion had moved to Bunji and had a company at Leh and another company at Skardu. South of the Pir Panjal range, 1 J&K Rifles was at Poonch and was being relieved by 8 J&K Rifles, 9 J&K Rifles was at Rawalkot, 2 J&K rifles at Naushera and 3 J&K Rifles at Mirpur. Some of these were mixed battalions with both Dogra and Muslim troops. Poor communications and the vast spread of the area meant that each battalion was really fighting an independent battle and could not depend on support from any one. Pakistan thus thought that it would be easy to militarily take over the state and force its accession to Pakistan. 

The idea of remaining an independent kingdom had appeal for the Maharaja, but he lacked the force to protect his kingdom from external threats. The remaining options were to accede, either to India or to Pakistan. Maharaja Hari Singh’s dilemma was increased by the fact that the Muslims in his state constituted the larger majority, but the Hindu population was substantial too. Stalling for time, the Maharaja entered into a Standstill Agreement with Pakistan on 12 August 1947. India however declined his offer. 

To the Pakistani political leadership of that time, led by Mr Jinnah, who had been appointed as the Governor General of Pakistan and his Prime Minister, Mr Liaquat Ali Khan, there was little doubt that Kashmir would be taken over by force, if the Maharaja did not accede to Pakistan. This plan was given the code name “Operation Gulmarg” and planning commenced in August 1947. Maj Gen Akbar Khan, a serving officer of the Pakistan army, was given the command of Operation Gulmarg, and he revealed all the details of this operation in 1975, in his book, “Raiders in Kashmir”. To achieve their objective, the Pakistan military raised 20 lashkars of about 1000 men each from their Pashtun population in the tribal belt. Pakistani military officers and men were embedded into the lashkars. They were given weapons, equipment and logistic support by the Pakistan army which also provided the force its leadership component down to company level. In his book, Khan confirms that the political leadership of Pakistan was fully in sync with these operations. It was thus a politico-military operation carried out by the state of Pakistan. 

The invasion of J&K by Pakistan military, along with the raiders, began on 22 October. The route chosen to reach Srinagar was via Domel, Mahulla and thence to Baramulla. Over 7,000 Pashtun armed tribesmen, led by officers from the Pakistan military, began the invasion, crossing over the state boundary. In a shameful incident, on the night of 21/22 October, the Muslim companies of the 4th Jammu and Kashmir Infantry, betrayed their oath to their ruler and the state and in an act of treachery, driven by religious fanaticism, killed their commanding officer, Col Narain Singh. They also killed their Dogra colleagues and then deserted, crossing over to the ranks of the tribals. Muzaffarabad and Domel was ransacked, the people butchered, raped and looted. Two days later, in Pulandri, they announced the formation of a provisional ‘Azad Kashmir’ government, before continuing their advance to Srinagar. Under these conditions, the Maharaja requested India’s help, but was told that this could not be given unless he acceded to India. This was agreed to by the Maharaja and the Instrument of Accession was signed on 26 October 1947. The Indian Army was flown in to Srinagar on 27 October and the raiders were halted on the outskirts of the city. Thereafter, they were pushed back till a ceasefire was declared on 31 December 1948. With this, Pakistan remained in possession of about one-third of the state of J&K, to include the areas of Gilgit-Baltistan and Mirpur-Muzaffarabad. This line has seen minor modifications post the 1971 war with Pakistan, where it came to be known as the Line of Control. Post the 1971 Indo-Pak War, Turtuk, lying in the Nubra Valley and on the banks of the Shyok River was liberated by Indian forces and now forms one of the northernmost villages in the Leh District of Ladakh. 

Article 370

Maharaja Hari Singh remained the titular Maharaja of the state until 1952, when the monarchy was abolished by Government of India, but political power shifted to the National Conference headed by Sheikh Abdullah in 1948 itself. When India's Constitution was promulgated on 26 January 1950, Article 370 was inserted as a temporary Article. The inclusion of Article 370 into the Constitution of India had not been demanded by the people of J&K, nor was it demanded by Maharaja Hari Singh when he acceded to India. The Article, giving special status to the state was a temporary measure, and so was included in PART XXI of the Constitution, which pertained to Temporary, Transitional and Special Provisions. The insertion of Article 35A in 1954, which was the more insidious development, gave the state of J&K the power to determine who was a state subject and such determination could not be challenged by the Indian State. This Article was inserted without the mandatory approval of the Indian Parliament, and thus can be construed as a fraud committed on the Constitution. Both Article 370 and 35 A can be said to have hindered the emotional integration of J&K with the rest of the Indian Union.

The Radicalisation of J&K 

The problem of radicalisation which seeped into the state had its origins in the growth, since the mid-1960s, of the Jamaat-e-Islami. Indoctrinated cadres from the Jamaat were soon absorbed in government institutions, particularly in government schools. It was the Jamaat which radicalised the Muslims in J&K, especially in the Valley. The Government banned the Jamaat-e-Islami and its educational wing Falah-e-Aam Trust in 1992 for indulging in anti-social activities, but inexplicably, absorbed all the teachers in government schools! Terrorism and radicalisation thus grew hand in hand in J&K, with Pakistan lending full support to terrorist groups. To view the conflict in Kashmir as a fight for ‘Azadi,’ is hence a misnomer. It was always a fight for Nizam-e-Mustafa—rule by Shariat and not by democratic norms. Also, developments with the state always had a Kashmir-centric agenda, despite the Kashmir division having only 55 percent of the population, and just one-sixth of the land area of the state. The voices from Jammu and Ladakh remained smothered. Even within Kashmir Division, it was but a small coterie of people, comprising a fraction of the population, that held complete sway over the state. These were, what Bashir Assad refers to in his book, “K File” as the Mullah clan—the people who had come to the Valley about 600 years earlier to preach Islam. They are the present day Geelanis, Muftis, Shah, Handanis, Naqshbandis, Andrabis, Bukharis etc, and they achieved a stranglehold over the state, dominating the original inhabitants, as well as the states political and bureaucratic landscape. The power of this group has now been eroded. However, the radicalisation which had seeped into Kashmiri society, beginning in the late 1960's, led to the genocide of the Kashmiri Hindus in 1990 and the growth of terrorism in J&K.

Conclusion 

The abrogation of Special Status to the state of J&K and its bifurcation into the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir (with a legislature) and the Union Territory of Ladakh (without a legislature) on 05 August 2019, brings fresh hope of normalcy settling into the region. The perfidious designs of Pakistan and their supporters within India are finally being addressed, which should bring peace to the region. For the moment, the focus and effort of the government of India remains on seeing the total return to normalcy in the Union Territory of J&K. Elections to the State Assembly are yet to be held, as the work of the Delimitation Commission, proposing changes to assembly and parliamentary segments in the Union Territory, is yet to be finalised and approved. But elections to the local bodies have been successfully held and received tremendous local support. Central laws are now applicable, giving hope to the women, Dalits, West Pakistan Refugees and others who were deprived of their rights and liberties due to the application of Article 370 and 35A. There is also a visible decline in levels of terrorist activities across the state, which bodes well for the future.

Transformative changes however take time, and the challenges are tremendous, especially in ensuring the safe return of the half million or so Kashmiri Hindus back to their homeland. The prospects of total normalcy reverting to J&K are at present, not as bleak as they were prior to 5 August 2019, when the provisions of Article 370 were abrogated, bringing J&K into the national mainstream. Though the road is long, there is hope in the air, especially amongst the youth of the Union Territory.

How is Kashmir seen by youth from other parts of India? Towards that end, a group of young Indians from all over the country visited the UT as part of the India Foundation Young Thinkers Meet held in Kashmir Valley towards the latter half of 2021. Post the conclave, some of the individuals gave out their impressions of the UT and how they view the situation as it is developing. It forms an interesting take on the views of a segment of  young India. More such initiatives will result in a better understanding of the horrors of radicalisation and the urgent need to ensure that such movements are nipped in the bud and not allowed to grow.